A Welsh History Synopsis in 20 parts by:David Walter Fortin Parts 15-20

 

A Welsh History Synopsis
in 20 parts
by:David Walter Fortin

Parts 15-20

Part 15: Owain Gwynedd and the Lord Rhys

Henry's death coincided with the rise to power of two of the most remarkable leaders in Welsh history, Owain Gwynedd and Rhys ap Gruffudd, as well as a pretty good one in Madog ap Meredudd. The period from 1135 to 1197 when these personages ruled Wales, is considered a Golden Age, as not only was the power of the native princes at its greatest since Gruffudd ap Llywelyn, but also because the literature, poetry, and patrimony were also greatly revived. It was during this time that some of the great Welsh poets were active, the texts of the Welsh law were first assembled in book form, and the great assemblies of Welsh poets and musicians (eisteddfod) were being held. However, despite this period's relative prosperity, the end was drawing near for the kingdom of Dehuebarth.

Rhys ap Gruffudd, otherwise known as the Lord Rhys, was the grandson of Rhys ap Tewdwr. His father had managed to regains some of the lost status of his kingdom after the great Anglo-Norman pushes of the late 11th C. Rhys (who reigned from 1155-1197), along with his three brothers began the long process of reconstituting the kingdom of Deheubarth. By 1155, this reconstitution was successful, largely due to the instability of the English, as King Stephen sat precariously upon the throne. Stephen's instability and the anarchy which enveloped English politics muted the power of the Marcher lords and allowed the Welsh to make substantial gains. By 1155 also, Rhys' brothers had died or been killed, leaving him as the sole heir to the seat of Dinefwr. However, Welsh rule in Deheubarth was never able to oust the Anglo-Normans from the south coast of Wales, leaving the kingdom in a very precarious position. Cardigan was gained and lost several times, and in 1145 Earl Gilbert of Pembroke recovered Carmarthen temporarily.

In Gwynedd, Owain Gwynedd, the son of Gruffudd ap Cynan, peacefully took the seat of Aberfraw in 1137 and reigned until his death in 1170. He consolidated his position very quickly (though with an on again, off again relationship with his brother, Cadwaladr) and began pushing back the Anglo-Norman positions. He was known more for his baility to lead men in batle, than cultural pursuits, and this he did very well, capturing Rhuddlan castle in 1167 and bringing Tegeingl back into the Welsh fold (which was followed with a successful Welsh colonization of the newly re-acquired lands). Owain also had his eye on Ceredigion, and after several posturings, the Lord Rhys and Owain came to an agreement whereby they divided Ceredigion amongst each other, with Rhys getting the lion's share.

In 1155, Henry II took the throne of England and quickly became one of its most powerful monarchs. Henry took an interest in subduing the resurgent Welsh princes, and in 1157 mounted a campaign into Wales. The Brut records the following:
1157: Henry, son of the empress, king of England, who was grandson of Henry, son of William the Bastard, brough an immense army into the champaign land of Caerleon, with the design of subjecting all Gwynedd to himself; and there he encamped. And then Owain, prince of Gwynedd, had called to him his sons and his strength and his army and his power, he encamped at basingwerk, having with him an immense host. And there he fixed an appaointment for battle with the king, causing dykes to be raised, with the design of fighting a pitched battle with the king. When the king heard of that he divided his army, and sent earls, many and innumerable barons, with a powerful number of armed troops along the strand towards the place where Owain was. And the king himself undauntedly, with armed troops...proceeded through the wood, called the Wood of Cennadlog...; and David and Cynan, sons of Owain, intercepted them in the trackless wood, and fought a severe battle with the king; who after many of his men were killed, scarcely escaped into the champaign lands again...And then the king collected his army together and proceeded to Rhuddlan in a rage. Then Owain encamped in fron of Llwyn Pina; and from thence harrassed the king day and night... {in the meantime, Henry had sent men to make a landing on Anglesey in the rear} ...on the following day there was a battle between them and the men of Mona. And in that battle the French, according to their accustomed manner, retreated, after many of them were killed, and others taken, and others drowned; and scarcely a few of them escaped to the ships, Henry, son of king Henry, and almost all the chief officers of the seamen, having been slain...
However, despite some success against the king, Owain adopted the course of of submitting to the king, accepting him as his overlord. Owain probably did this to prevent a further expedition and to get the angry king out of Gwynedd. Owain also delivered hostages to the king, which would play a part in the future. The following year, the Lord Rhys was subjected to much the same treatment by Henry II, and was also forced to submit (upon the advice of Owain Gwynedd) and give up hostages.

In 1163, the Lord Rhys once again revolted against the incursions and presuppositions of the English. Henry II came once more into Wales, forced Rhys to submit, but this time Henry had Rhys and his chief leaders pay homage to himself and his son. The Brut record the following:
1165: The ensuing year, when Rhys ap Gruffudd saw that the king fulfilled nothing of what he had promised, and that he could not thus submit honorably, he manfully entered the territory of Roger, earl of Clare...and dismantled and burned the castle of Aber Rheidiol...and reconquered for a second time the whole of Ceredigion, iterating slaughters and conflagrations against the Flemings, and taking form them many spoils. And after that, all the Welsh combined together to expel the garrison of the French altogether.

This time, the enraged Henry II prepared and mounted what was hoped to be the final blow to the recalcitrant Welsh princes. Forces were comandeered from the continent and from Scotland, a fleet was also summoned from Dublin "..proposing to destroy the whole of the Britons". However, this time, things went differently, as Owain Gwynedd and Madog ap Meredudd of Powys united with the Lord Rhys in their defiance assembling forces at Corwen in the Dee valley. Henry then made the serious tactical blunder of trying to march from Oswestry up the Ceiriog valley and across the Berwyn range, rather than follow the traditional coastal routes. "...And after remaining there a few days, he was overtaken by a dreadful tempest of the sky, and extraordinary torrents of rain. And when provisions failed him, he removed his tents and his army to the open plains of England; and full of extreme rage, he ordered the hostages, who had previously been long imprisoned by him, to be blinded; to wit the two sons of Owain Gwynedd...and the son of the Lord Rhys..." This defeat of Henry enabled Owain, Rhys and Madog to concentrate their efforts on building a sustained peace, though with some of the ususal disputes amongst their relations. This also allowed the Welsh to take the initiative once more, making some headway against the English who were on their borders.

The next time Henry came to Wales was in 1171. This time he was not on a punitive expedition, but on his way to ireland to establish his authority over the barons who had set themselves up there (many of whom were Marcher lords). This time, he made the Lord Rhys the justiciar over all of Deheubarth, and freed his son. This last visit of Henry II marks the end of an era in Welsh-English relations, for no king would return to Wales for almost 40 years. Owain Gwynedd died in 1170, and his son, David succeeded him. David took the opportunity to establish new relations with Henry II, further securing his position.

 

Part 16: Giraldus Cambrensis

Giraldus Cambrensis (Gerald of Wales--he seems to have preferred the Latinization of his name) is a figure for whom many historians, myself included, have a love-hate relationship. He was a mover-and-shaker of his time in terms of politics, having personally met or had a relationship with English kings, popes, Welsh leaders and Marcher lords. He was remakably well educated, and provides a wealth of important insights into the people and land of his times. He was also biased, superstitious, not above writing harsh invectives, and rather egotistic. Be that as it may, Giraldus has left us some very valuable writings, and one cannot but admire his efforts to have the see of St. David's raised to an archbishopric.

Giraldus was born in 1145 at the castle of Manorbier in Pembroke. His forebears included both Welsh and Norman nobility, a fact which Giraldus makes us well aware of. Amongst his forebears were the promiscuous Nest, daughter of Rhys ap Tewdwr, who was married to the indomitable Gerald of Windsor (the Norman hero of the seige of the castle of Pembroke). Thus, he could include as his relatives the Lord Rhys and the FitzGerald family. He was educated at Paris, and was at home with Latin, French, and English. Giraldus only seems to have had a working knowledge of Welsh, but could not speak it fluently.

He chose an ecclesiastic career early in his life (or had it chosen for him, being the youngest of the de Barri sons). He developed a reputation as one of the leading ecclesiastics in south Wales, known (according to Giraldus) for his intelligence and forthrightness. At various times he was a member of the court of Henry II and accompanied a young Prince John (later to be king) to Ireland. He was offered several bishoprics which he refused, remaining an archdeacon of St. David's. Later in life, he was elected as bishop of St. David's, but refused to accept the primacy of the Archbishop of Canterbury over the Welsh diocese. He later travelled to Rome and tried to convince the pope to make St. David's an archbishopric, an act which was denied and which made him many enemies. He ended his days in obscurity, possibly in London in 1223.

What Giraldus is most noted for are his writings, most notably the "Topography of Ireland", the "Conquest of Ireland", the "Description of Wales" and the "Itinerary Through Wales". Being that this posting of mine is about Wales, we will focus on the last two. Also, seeing that I need to be somewhat brief, I will include a number of excerpts from these two works, so that you may judge for yourself the quality and character of Giraldus. The following is taken from the Penguin Classics edition, translated by Lewis Thorpe, 1978.

On Writing History: "Among the pursuits which we should most admire, there are other things to be said in favor of the studious life. 'History,' says Seneca again, 'is the recording of past events, the testimony of the ages, the light of truth, a living memory, a guide for conduct and a reminder of what happened long ago.' [actually from Cicero, but Giraldus was quoting from memory] I find this sort of work the more attractive in that it seems to me to be more praiseworthy to write something worth quoting oneself than simply to keep quoting other people, and better to be admired by others for one's own compositions than to be a sound critic of what others have composed....What one owns must always perish, but what I have will always live."

On Writing in General: "Then there is the problem of choice of words and expressions, and of how to perfect one's style, if one wants to write well. It is one thing to set out the course of events in proper sequence, but you still have the difficult problem of deciding what words to use and how best to express what you want to say. Writing is an exacting business. First you decide what to leave out, and then you have to polish up what you put in. What you finally commit to parchment must face the eagle eye of many readers, and at the same time run the risk of meeting hostile criticism. The words one speaks fly off on the wind and are heard no more: you can praise or condemn, but it is soon forgotten. What you write down and then give to the world in published form is never lost: it lasts forever, to the glory or ignominy of him who wrote it."

On Geoffrey of Monmouth's "History of the Kings of Britain": [Having just described a man who could see devils. The said devils would dance in glee whenever someone did something sinful.] "When he was harassed beyond endurance by these unclean spirits, Saint John's Gospel was placed on his lap, and then they all vanished immediately, flying away like so many birds. If the Gospel were afterwards removed and the 'History of the Kings of Britain' by Geoffrey of Monmouth put there in its place, just to see what would happen, the demons would alight all over his body, and on the book, too, staying there longer than usual and being even more demanding." [Giraldus, however, made copious use of Geoffrey's work, even including some of it in his defence of St. David's status to the pope.]

On the Welsh: "The Welsh people are light and agile. They are fierce rather than strong, and totally dedicated to the practice of arms. Not only the leaders but the entire nation are trained in war. Sound the trumpet for battle and the peasant will rush from his plough to pick up his weapons as quickly as the courtier fromthe court." "They plough the soil once in March and April for oats, a second time in summer, and then they turn it a third time while the grain is being threshed. In this way the whole population lives almost entirely on oats and the produce of their herds, milk, cheese and butter. They eat plenty of meat, but little bread." "They are passionatley devoted to their freedom and to the defence of their country: for these they fight, for these they suffer hardships, for these they will take up their weapons and willingly sacrifice their lives." "It is a remarkable fact that on many occasions they have not hesitated to fight without any protection at allagainst men clad in iron, unarmed against those bearing weapons, on foot against mounted cavalry. They are so agile and fierce that they often win battles fought against such odds." "The Welsh are given neither to gluttony nor to drunkenness. They spend little on food or clothes. Their sole interest in life consists of caring for their horses and keeping their weapons in good order, their sole preoccupation the defence of their fatherland and the seizing of booty." "If food is short or if they have non at all, they wait patiently for the next evening. neither hunger nor cold can deter them. They spend the dark and stormy nights in observing the movements of their enemies." "In Wales, no one begs. everyone's home is open to all, for the Welsh generosity and hospitality are the greatest of all virtues." "When they come together to make music, the Welsh sing their traditional songs, not in unison, as is done elsewhere, but in parts, in many modes and modulations. When a choir gathers together to sing, which happens often in this country, you will hear as many parts and voices as there are performers, all joining together in the end to produce a single organic harmony and melody in the soft sweetness of B-flat." "The Welsh value distinguished birth and noble descent more than anything else in the world. They would rather marry into a noble family than into a rich one. Even the common know their family tree by heart and can readily recite from memory the list of their grandfathers, great-grandfathers, great-great grandfathers, back to the sixth or seventh generation..." "The Welsh people rarely keep their promises, for their minds are as fickle as their bodies are as agile." "It is the habit of the Welsh to steal anything they can lay their hands on and live on plunder, theft and robbery, not only from foreigners and people hostile to them, but also from each other." "In war the Welsh are very ferocious when battle is first joined. They shout, glower fiercely at the enemy, and fill the air with fearsome clamor, making a high-pitched screech with their long trumpets. From their first fierce and headlong onslaught, and the shower of javelins whcih they hurl, they seem most formidable opponents. If the enemy resists manfully and they are repulsed, they are immediately thrown into confusion." "The Welsh people are more keen to own land and to extend their holdings than any other I know."

Giraldus' works are fairly availible, and for those of you who are interested I'd strongly recommend the works I mentioned above.

 

Part 17: The Early 13th Century

This time, well end the existance of Deheubarth and Powys as coherent kingdoms and follow the history of Gwynedd up to the beginning of Llywelyn ap Gruffudd's reign. For simplicity's sake, I'll cover each kingdom, Deheubarth, Powys and Gwynedd separately.

Deheubarth

Upon the death of the Lord Rhys in 1197, Dehuebarth self-destructed. Remeber that the Welsh custom of partibility, where each male child, both legitimate and bastards had equal rights to the inheritance. Rhys had 18 (!) children, 8 of which were legitimate. This brood quickly began to fight amongst itslef, bringing in the English when it was politically convenient. Much blood was spilled and stability was only brought to the region when either the king or the princes of Gwynedd intervened.

In 1216 a partition was devised in the hopes of divying up Deheubarth between three of the claimants, however this partition neither reflected reality nor was it adhered to. In 1240 a further partition occurred, but this just underscored the horrible position which the native Welsh then found themselves. RR Davies sums it up the best: "Deheubarth in the thirteenth century had become a collection of petty principalities, living by grace, or under the thumb, of either the king of England or the prince of Gwynedd. Its rulers strutted proudly on their little stages and the poets and chroniclers flattered their self-esteem by continuing to salute them as 'pillars of Wales', 'tormentors of England', 'defenders of the whole of Deheubarth and counsellors of the whole of Wales.' But in truth they were, in Sir John Edward Lloyd's crushing phrase, no more than 'puny chiefs'. So had eclipsed the majesty of Deheubarth which had shone so brightly in the days of the Lord Rhys." (p. 227). Some of these principalities would survive until the end of the 13th C, but then they were snuffed out by Edward I, for they could put up little effective resistance, nor could they aide Gwynedd in its time of need.

Powys

Much the same occurred in Powys. Upon the death of Madog ap Meredudd in 1160, Powys was divided into Northern and Southern Powys, led by southern Powys' leader, Gwenwynwyn ap Owain Cyfeiliog. Upon the death of the Lord Rhys, Gwenwynwyn began to flex his muscles a bit, raiding into England and meddling in the squablles of Rhys' sons. The Brut records:
1198 ...Gwenwynwyn meditated endeavoring the restoration of their ancient rights to the Welsh, their original property, and their boundaries. And when the princes of Wales had agreed with him thereon, he collected a vast army and proceeded to attack Pain's castle, and after he had fought against it, without projectiles and engines of war, for nearly three weeks, he was ignorant of the future issue.
The English army had overwhelmed the Welsh forces, thus destroying the credibility of Gwenwywyn in the eyes of the other Welsh princes. In October of 1208, King John humiliated Gwenwynwyn, by summoning him to Shrewsbury, stripping him of his lands, exacting hostages from him, and restored his inheritance on the most demeaning terms, including promises of perpetual service and of jurisdictional submission. In 1216, Gwenwynwyn was exiled by Llywelyn ap Iorweth of Gwynedd and did in exile.

After Gwenwynwyn's death Powys continued upon a course very similar to Deheubarth. The only difference was that English pressure along the frontier was not as great here as it was in southern Wales, and thus the conflicts amongst the princelings were not quite as brutal as they were in the south. However, like Deheubarth, these princelings survived only until the Edwardian Conquest, and they too were unable to provide any great help to Llywelyn ap Gruffudd in the final days of native Welsh rule.

Before moving on to Gwynedd, I'd like to say a few words about this self-destruction of the two kingdoms. The Welsh had exhibited periods prior to this when the tendancy to subdivide was great, but there are probably two reasons why things were so bad at the end of the 12th and beginning of the 13th centuries. First, the pressure of the English barons on the native dynastic politics was very great, especially in southern Wales. The Lord Rhys really had pulled off a miracle in re-establishing the kingdom of Deheubarth and he tried to reinforce that bond through a myriad of marriage alliances and personal diplomacy, not only with the native Welsh, but with the English as well. This failed him in that his eldest son was not up to the task of putting down his brothers or of establishing himself as a strong leader. In Powys, the pressure was not as great, but it still was there and was just as effective as it was in the south in keeping Powys from coming into the hands of any one prince. The second factor was Gwynedd. Gwynedd was ruled by strong leaders throughtout this period. However, in times past when this scenario arose, the strong leader was able to make good on his strength and conquer large portions of Wales, uniting them under his rule. The princes in Gwynedd failed to do this primarily due to the English equation which had not existed in previous times. With the English johnny on the spot, with castles and supporting any of the various princelings, they kept the princes of Gwynedd in check. The best they could do was conquer part of Ceredigion, of which Cardigan Castle, the most important stronghold south of Aberystwyth, was in English hands permanently from 1199, and Aberystwyth was built as a royal castle by King John (of stone) in 1211.

Gwynedd

Upon Owain Gwynedd's death in 1170, the kingdom was divided amongst his sons and the usual quarrels ensued. However, in 1194 Dafydd ap Owain and his brother Rhodri were defeated by two of their nephews in battle. One of the victors was Llywelyn ap Iorweth, and his rise to power quickly became meteoric. On 11July 1201, King John secured a formal agreement with Llywelyn, recognizing all of Llywelyn's rights and claims to Gwynedd, and conceding that if there were a dispute between the king and Llywelyn, that such a dispute would be resolved in accordance with Welsh law. In 1205, King John wed his illegitimate daughter, Joan to Llywelyn. Royal support enhanced Llywelyn's position, allowing him to further secure his position at home and to look to his interests in domestic disputes. However, Llywelyn would come very close to the disaster which would occur in 70 years later. In 1210, Llywelyn came into a dispute over several castles with the earl of Chester. Things gradually grew worse, and in 1211, King John, having just defeated the Scots, became very angry with his insubordinate Welsh prince and led two expeditions into Wales. The first of these expeditions failed, as Llywelyn retreated to the fastnesses of Snowdonia and King John's forces were starved in the remote regions. The Brut records: "And there the army was in so great a want of provisions, that an egg was sold for a penny halfpenny; and it was a delicious feast to them to get horseflesh, and on account of that the king returned to England..." In the same year, King John came once more into Gwynedd with a huge army, and this time the results were different. Llywelyn had to submit to the king and offer hostages. However, he survived intact. In 1212, once more John sent an army that was truly overwhelming with the clear intent of destroying Welsh power, but he was turned aside at the last moment by affairs elsewhere.

From this time forward, Llywelyn continueed to grow in power and prestige, continually reaffirming his status as the leader of the Welsh. However, as stated above, this was not done on the scale of Rhodri Mawr or Hywel Dda. Times were different and the English influence stronger. Llewlyn ap Iorweth died in 1240 and he was able to have his son Daffydd recognized as his successor. This was a true victory for Gwynedd, in that Llywelyn was able to break with the old tradition. Unfortunately, Dafydd's reign turned out to be weak and short, with Dafydd ap Llywelyn dying in 1247. Upon his death, the principality was divided amongst his two nephews 'by the counsel of the wise men of the land'. These two were Owain and Llywelyn ap Gruffudd.

 

Part 18: The Last Prince

Llywelyn ap Gruffudd is one of the more discussed personages in medieval Welsh history. One is easily impressed by his advances in the early part of his career, dismayed at his inability to come to terms with the English, and saddened by his end. We need to back up a few years though, before we begin. The reason for this is to set up Edward I's attitude to Wales at this time. Why? Because Edward was an extremely judicious man, a king who was extremely jealous of his rights and one who used the law (or his interpretation of the law) to his own advantage. Edward is known to posterity as being one of the most litigious monarchs of the Middle Ages.

Dafydd ap Llywelyn ap Iorweth had to submit to Henry III in 1241. Part of this submission included the following terms: the surrender of the homages 'of all noble Welshmen' to Henry III (these homages had been given to Dafydd); the promise that he and his heirs would be faithful forever to the king and his heirs and that in the event of a breach of this oath of fealty, "his land would be forfeited to the king in perpetuity"(this is VERY important to what follows); and that if Dafydd died without an heir, the king would succeed to the principality in perpetuity. These concessions essentially amounted to a change of status for Gwynedd to the same level as one of the Marcher lords. Dafydd died during the rebellion of 1246-7. Among the leaders of this rebellion were Llywelyn and Owain ap Gruffudd.

Lywellyn had established his power in Dyffryn Clwyd and had attracted some of the advisors of his grandfather, Llywelyn ap Iorweth. While Dafydd was being humilaited and displaying his weakness on the seat of Aberffraw, Llywelyn was collecting dissatisfied leaders of the communities of Gwynedd. In this sense, it must be stated that Llywelyn seems to have been one of those rare figures who was charismatic as well as being successful in arms. men seemed to flock to him and he inspired loyalty amongst them. When Dafydd died in 1246, Llywelyn laid a claim to be his successor. At the time, Henry III had an army on the way and was doing a pretty good job of putting down the revolt. Llywelyn and his brother, Owain, had no choice but to conclude a treaty with the English king. This was the Treaty of Woodstock, of April 1247. This treaty put the homages of Llywelyn and Owain to the king in writing, and for the first time in the history of Wales, a specific military quota was established for Gwynedd. This treaty, as humiliating as it was, gave Llywelyn and Owain time to catch their breaths and establish themselves in the truncated Gwynedd.

In November of 1250, Llywelyn began to establish secret treaties with the other Welsh leaders. He first concluded a treaty with Gruffudd ap Madog of northern Powys, and then he and his brother established similar alliances with the princelings of southern Wales, promising to act together as 'sworn brothers'. However, before working with sworn brothers, Llywelyn had to take care of his real ones. Since 1253, disputes had arisen between the sons of Gruffudd, this time also including the younger brother, Dafydd, who was to remain a thorn in the side of Llywelyn for the rest of his life. The English, ever ready to take advantage of the Welsh family squabbles, wanted to set up a royal justiciar to settle the dispute (and thereby further establishing royal prerogative in the affairs of Gwynedd). However, Llywelyn preferred to settle the dispute on the battlesfield, which he did in the summer of 1255, where he decisively defeated his brothers at Bryn Derwin, establishing himself as the master of Gwynedd. This victory is important in that the following year the Welsh went on the offensive against the English. Here's the Brut's entry for 1256: "...Edward, son of king Henry, earl of Caerleon, came, in August, and after he had returned to England, the nobles of Wales came to Llywelyn ap Gruffudd, having been robbed of their liberty, and made captives, and complainingly declared to him that they would rather be killed in war for their liberty, than suffer themselves to be trodden down by strangers in bondage. And Llywelyn was moved by their tears..." Edward's visit probably was aimed at securing the him ages of the local princelings, as well as collecting money from them (as was the custom in England).

In November 1256, Llywelyn, activated those secret alliances which he had been cultivating, and marched into mid-WEales. He captured Meirionydd and northern Ceredigion, as well as securing Builth and Gwrtheyrnion. In 1257-8, southern Powys was overrun, and the revolt spread to the southwest from Cemais to Gower. The English were unsuccessful in their attempts to stem the tide, with the sortie from Montgomery being defeated in and an expedition in south Wales led by Stephen Bauzan in June of 1257 was defeated and anhilated, "...they proceeded with a body fo men, and took the barons and the noble knights, and slew upwards of two thousand of the army...". Henry III began laying plans for a major expedition in 1258, however, the Wheel of Fortune was turning for the English king. In June, the domestic disputes which were to lead to the king's imprisonment at the hands of Simon de Montfort were beginning to take shape, and he had to leave off from the expedition into Wales. Llywelyn took full advantage of this situation.

Within a year, able to harness the intense resentment ot English rule, Llywelyn continued to make territorial gains, established alliances between himself and almost all of the other princelings, essentially establishing a confederacy with himself as the head. He was able to adopt the title of 'princeps Wallie', the first leader in Wales to do so. At this juncture, Llywelyn wanted more time to strengthen this confederation and secure his position as its head. He attmepted to gain a peace treaty with the English in 1258, even offering money to secure a seven-year truce. The English refused, and by January of 1260, Llywelyn had seized Builth from Roger Mortimer.

By 1261, Llywelyn had established his suzerainity over native Wales, being able to settle disputes and impose penalties. In November 1262, the truces ended, and Llywelyn was able to direct his attention to the middle March. Llywelyn was able to stem the influence of Roger Mortimer of Wigmore and to capture most of the lord's border castles. He then pushed through Brecon and the Usk valley to within a few miles of Abergavenny. The status quo fo 1240 had been reestablished and Henry III's gains of the 1240's had been erased. In the meantime, Llywelyn could now play a hand in English politics, supporting the Monfortian forces in their efforts against the king.

In 1263, at the Battle of Lewes, Henry and Edward were captured by Simon de Montfort. De Montfort then followed the policy of always keeping the king and his son close by his person and in forcing the king to sign and seal charters, agreements, and treaties drawn up by de Montfort. Llywelyn cut a deal with de Montfort (with an escape clause, in case de Montfort failed), where de Montfort recognized Llywelyn's title as Prince of Wales and aknowledging the gains Llywelyn had made since 1253. In exchange, Llywelyn agreed to pay 20,000 pounds over ten years (this is a staggering amount for the time).

However, any dealings with de Montfort proved fleeting, as he was killed at the Battle of Evesham on 4 August 1265, after a brilliant campaign by Edward. Edward was not of the mind to pursue any interests in Wales and concluded the Treaty of Montgomery on 25 September 1267. This treaty confirmed Llywelyn's title of Prince of Wales to him and his heirs, and the fealty and homages of all the Welsh barons of Wales were reserved to Llywelyn and his heirs. Llywelyn was expected to perform homage to Edward and fulfill the customary services which this entailed. Additionally, Llywelyn was to find a suitable place for his brother Dafydd, in accordance with Welsh law (where Dafydd would gain some part of the principality to hold as his own, but with fealty being given to Llywelyn. Llywelyn was also to pay 25000 marks in annual installments of 3,000 marks after an initial down payment of 5,000. These terms seem unfavorable on the surface, however, the fact that the English were finally willing to recognize that there existed a political entity of Wales on their border which was separate and sovereign to England is an important concession.

Llywelyn only had to recognize Edward as his lord to whom he would pay homage in order to secure peace with England and to possibly establish a continual Welsh polity. Llywelyn was to squander this opportunity. Tensions remained high in the March after 1267, and within native Wales, there were squabbles and infighting, as well as tests of Llywelyn's power. He was accused of being high-handed in his treatment of his Welsh confederates, however, when one considers that it is always difficult to establish a lasting confederacy built on quickly won gains, Llywelyn's actions seem reasonable.

Problems arose in 1272, Llywelyn began having difficulties with the powerful Marcher lords, Roger Montgomery of Wigmore, Humphrey Bohun, and Gilbert Clare (all familiar family names). Llywelyn was consistantly on the wrong end of these lords' attempts at gains. Llywelyn began to feel as if the Treaty of Montgomery were being renegged upon by the English and that the English were making a concerted effort to undermine his authority. By February 1274, Llywelyn was not making his annual payment, citing treaty breaches. Things were made worse by a plot against Llywelyn's life being exposed, with his brother Dafydd and Gruffudd ap Gwenwynwyn being the chief conspirators. Both fled to England, and were received by Edward (who was king by now).

Llywelyn responded by ravaging all of Gruffudd's lands. Dispite all of this, there seems (in my opinion) to have existed a state of mutual respect between Edward and Llywelyn. Yes, Edward tried to undermine his authority by looking the other way when the Marcher lords were making advances, and also looking for dissenters against Llywelyn. But given Edward's future record against the Scots, what ensued between Llywelyn and edward points to a certain level of amicability. Llywelyn felt that the breaches of the Treaty of Montgomery were sufficient enough or him to withhold his pledge of performing fealty to Edward. The first time was in January 1273. In 1274, he also absented himself from Edward's coronation, a serious breach of etiquette. He then failed to respond to 5 more summonses from December 1274-April 1276. In 1275, Edward went so far as to travel himself to Chester to receive Llywelyn's homage. Llywelyn stood him up.

This was a mistake of the first order. Llywelyn could have had his grievances redressed by the king at Chester, and perhaps something might have been done (the Marcher lords were not among Edward's favorites). To withhold a fealty to which he had agreed, set Llywelyn up as a rebellious vassal in the eyes of the king, who could also draw upon the historical precedent in claiming that right, as his father Henry III had acquired it from Dafydd ap Llywelyn. Additionally, Llywelyn chose as his bride Eleanor de Montfort, the daughter of Edward's antagonist Simon. Not a very astute political move if one wished peace with England. Llywelyn was proclaimed a rebel on 12 November 1276. By 9 November 1277, Llywelyn had suffered such a great defeat at the hands of Edward, he accepted the king's terms and performed the fealty which he should have in the first place. Edward secured such an overwhelming victory by turning loose the Marcher lords, who quickly made a number of strong advances.

Llywelyn's alliance began to fall apart, as he could not be everywhere at once and the local native princelings began to defect in the face of the strong Marcher push. By July of 1277, Edward showed up on the scene in Chester, he was planning the coup de grace on Gwynedd, without really worrying about the rest of Wales, the Marcher push being so succesful. Ceredigion had been overrun by 25 July, and Llywelyn ws isolated in Gwynedd. Edward methodically pushed forward, employing 1,80 axemen to clear the way from Flint to Rhuddlan. Edward drew on credit from Italian bankers and had truly mobilized the forces of his nation-state for this effort. It had become a David and Goliath confrontation. Llywelyn withdrew to the fastnesses of Gwynedd in Snowdonia, as his forebears had done. However this only prolonged the agony. On 9 November, he signed the Treaty of Aberconwy, where he submitted himself to the king, was forced to agree to an indemnity of 50,000 pounds for disobedience, swear fealty in private at Rhuddlan and in public at London, at the Christmas court, give hostages, reestablish Gruffudd ap Gwenwynwyn and his brother Dafydd, and forego the homages of his vassals to the king, except for five small landholders. However, even this was to escheat to the king upon Llywelyn's death.

Llywelyn was allowed to keep the title of Prince of Wales. Llywelyn's relations with Edward at this point take a minor up turn (they could hardly get much worse). Edward and his queen were present at Llywelyn's wedding in Worcester to Eleanor (who had been held against her will by Edward), and some cordial correspondences passed between them. Perhaps Edward still had respect for Llywelyn's ability and the successes of earlier years. Edward went so far as to declare at Llywelyn's wedding feast that he would "be benevolent and a friend to Llywelyn in all things". Llywelyn paid his debts most punctually, accepted Edward's judicial rulings. The end came rather unexpectedly for Llywelyn. Tension between the Welsh community and the English continued to run high after 1277. In march of 1282 all of Wales simultaneoulsy broke into rebellion, led by Dafydd ap Gruffudd, Llywelyn's brother.

Llywelyn really had no other option as Prince of Wales than to support the rebellion and to join it, as it was not only something of Dafydd's creation, but was a popular uprising as well. Edward responded with outrage and determination. The King announced his intention 'to repress the rebellion and the mailce of the Welsh' and 'to put an end finally to the matter that he has now commenced of putting down the malice of the Welsh.' Anglesey was assaulted by sea simultaneoulsy with a land push into Gwynedd. Once again edward mustered the might of all his holdings, both French and English, for the final effort. It was a struggle which the Welsh could not hope to win. Llywelyn decided to make a push into the Wye valley in order to begin a second front, rather than be pinned in in Gwynedd. On 11 December 1282, he was killed in a skirmish with the Mortimer clan within a few miles of Builth. Roger Lestrange sent the following dispatch: "Know, sir,...that Llywelyn ap Gruffudd is dead, his army broken, and all the flower of his men killed." Dafydd carried on the struggle until 25 April, 1283 when he too was killed and Welsh resistance ended. The Brut y Tywysogion makes its last entry in 1282, as it could no longer record the Chronicle of the Princes.

"For the death of all Britain, protector of Cynnllaith, Dead lion of Nancoel, breastplate of nancaw, Many a slippery tear scuds on the cheek, Many a flank gaping and crimson, Many a pool of blood round the feet, Many a widow crying aloud for him, Many a heavy thought goes errant, Many a fatherless child's abandoned, Many a homstead flecked from the fire's path, And many a looted wilderness yonder, Many a wretched cry, as once was at Camlan, Many a tear has run down the cheek: Since the buttress is down, gold-handed chieftain, Since Llywelyn is slain, my mortal wit fails me." from "The Lament for Llywelyn ap Gruffudd" by Gruffudd ap Yr Ynad Coch, 1282.

 

Part 19: The 14th Century

Edward I was not magnanimous in conquest. Here's what RR Davies tells us as to what happened: "Edward took particular delight in appropriating the residences of the Gwynedd dynasty, thereby making clear to all the definitiveness and finality of his conquest. In august, 1284 he set up his court in two of Llywelyn's favorite residences, Abergwynregyn and Caernarfon; he refurbished Llywelyn's hall at Aberconwy and converted it into a privy palace for his son as prospective prince of Wales; he dismantled another of Llywelyn's timber-framed halls at Ystumgwern and had it transported to the new inner ward of his castle at harlech; and he showed that sentiment could have no place in the vicot's heart by ordering the transfer of the abbey of Aberconwy--the favored Cistercian house of the Gwynedd dynasty and the resting place of Llywelyn the Great (ap Iorweth)--seven miles up the Conwy valley to Maenan to make room for his new castle and borough of Conway. With equal deliberateness he removed all the insignia of majesty from gwynedd; Llywelyn's gold coronet...was solemnly presented to the shrine of St. Edward at Westminster; the jewel or crown of King Arthur was an even more prized treasure; the matrices of the seals of Llywelyn, of his wife, and his brother Dafydd were melted down to make a chalice to be donated, appropriately enough, to Edward's new foundation of Vale Royal; the most precious religious relic in Gwynedd, the fragment of the True Cross known as Y Groes Naid, was paraded through London in May 1285 in a solemn procession on foot led by the king, the queen, the archbishop of Canterbury and fourteen bishops, and the magnates of the realm. Edward was thereby appropriating the historical and religious regalia of the house of Gwynedd and placarding to the world the extinction of its dynasty and the annexation of the principality to his Crown. He was to mete out exactly the same treatment to the kingdom of Scotland in 1296." (pp 355-6).

What happened to Wales politically can best be described as a parceling out of the lands of the former native lords to the Marchers and the Crown. The Crown reserved to itself Ceredigion (Cardigan), Flintshire, Gwynedd (Caernarfonshire and Merionethshire), Anglesey, Builth and Carmarthenshire. Outside of these districts, the Marcher lords and friends of the King were rewarded with lands. The primary beneficiaries were the Mortimers, Bohuns, Clares, and later the Despensers. What is important about this settlement is that in the Crown lands, the king's justice prevailed, with the king's person being the final arbiter of disputes and issuer of charters. Within the lordships, the law of the March remained in effect--within each lordship, the lord was the final arbiter, the king's writ and justice were not held, and the lord was the issuer of charters. This obviously is a bad situation, which we will discuss below.

1. Apartheid: I'm going to use a modern term to help us visualize the situation within Wales during the 14th C. Essentially, there developed two Wales after the conquest, an English one and a Welsh one and power rested with the English. High ecclesiastic offices were held by Englishmen (the vast majority of whom could not speak Welsh), the major offices within the individual lordships were held by Englishmen, and all of the major lordships were held by Englishmen. There were some Welsh landholders, and some of these men (known as uchelwyr) were very important in maintaining the patronage of the poets and putting together the White Book of Rhydderch (from which the Mabinogion comes) and the Red Book of Hergest (one of the most important documents in Welsh literature). Be that as it may, the Welsh were exploited for every amount of money the lord or king could get out of them, there were penal laws passed off and on, some of which banned the speaking of Welsh. The Despensers were known as the "most grasping of men" in building a mini-empire from which they derived spectacular incomes. Even the Black Prince, son of Edward III, the hero of Crecy and Poitiers, was known to be exceptionally greedy in trying to squeeze money out of his estates.

2. Absenteeism: The Welsh situation really differs on this point with Ireland, in that no immigrant aristocracy established itself in Wales and developed attachments to the land. There would be no Anglo-Irish equivalent in Wales. Most lordships (and ecclesiastic positions) were held in absentee by the lords--they would have some toady run their estate while they earned the income and dallied in affairs elsewhere. They would show up only when they wanted to try to squeeze more money out of their lordship.

3. Soldiering: The Welsh WERE good at being soldiers, and the king and lords recognized this early on. Welsh bowmen and lancers were recruited and utilized to a great extent in the Scottish Wars of Independence and in the 100 Years War. The Welsh went with them because after the conquest and peace ensued, there was this huge body of men who had known nothing but war for generations, and who were seeking employment. The English kings could not but help to take advantage of this situation. This was to play into Owain Glyn Dwr's hands later, but more on that next time.

4. Economy: The 14th C is known for a general economic collapse throughout Europe, and Wales was not immune to this. There was a continent-wide famine in 1315-16, which may have been the result of climactic changes. However, the English being what they were, at such times, the lordships squeezed more money out of the native population whenever possible, even during famine years. Due to some murders of prominent lords/tax collectors, it became common policy for those gathering the wealth of the land to come and go under heavily armed escort. In the meantime, the lordships converted Wales to forms of economy which they felt best suited those areas. The uplands of Wales had long been pastoral in nature and the English took advantage of this by cultivating the wool industry (I mean they brought in lots of sheep and replaced cattle with sheep in the fields). Wales quickly became one of the chief producers of wool in England.

5. Plague: Wales was mot immune to the Black Plague (called Y Farwolaeth Fawr--the Great Mortality by the Welsh), which first came to Wales in the spring of 1349, and it penetrated every part of the country (though local legends had it that the plague was God's vengeance on the English, since it struck hardest at the populous settlements). There are few statistics or mortality rates to determine what the impact of the Plague was on the Wales, but what we do have indicates a massive death toll: In the manor of Cladicot on the Severn estuary, 36 out of 40 tenants died; in Degannwy (Caerns), the desmesne manor was totally emptied; and in the lordship of Dyffryn Clwyd, the register of the lord indicates that the mortality rate increased 14 times the normal in 1349. The Plague revisited Wales in 1361-2, 1369, and seven times after that before 1420. The 14th C was not a pleasant time to live. (The above figures are also from RR Davies).

So, to wrap this up, Wales was a place where the native population was being squeezed financially, was bereft of political power, and where the English controlled and ruled (mis-ruled) with the intent of maximizing their profits. Throw in the economic and social disasters of the 14th C, and you have a people truly prepared for revolt.

 

Part 20: The Revolt of Owain Glyn Dwr

The following will once more be derived from RR Davies "Conquest, Coexistence, and Change", John Davies, "A History of Wales", and for a primary source, I'll also be using the "Chronicle of Adam of Usk, 1377-1421".

Who was Owain Glyn Dwr?

Owain Glyn Dwr was a member of the uchelwyr, that strata of Welsh society which had done fairly well for itself after the conquest. Owain personally held lands in northeastern Wales, and was by the day's standards, one of the wealthier native Welsh men. His family seat was at Sycarth (Chirkland), where he was able to construct a very nice moated house, as well as having an estate in Merioneth where he drew some of his income from (which was about 120 pounds per year--in comparison, the large Mortimer estates were bringing in around 5-6000 pounds per year, so he wasn't rich by English standards, but wasn't exactly going poor either). Owain came from a fine pedigree, something which the poets of the day made much of. He could trace an ancestry which connected to the royal lines of Deheubarth and Powys. As such, he was a patron of the poets, rewarded for such patronage by a number of praise poems, especially from Iolo Goch. Owain was an accomplished soldier, having been involved in the campaigns against Scotland and France, and was known to be an avid hunter. His wife was a Hanmer, the daughter of a chief justice of the King's Bench. Based upon his pre-1400 activities and associations, it is an intriguing question as to why a person who was living a good life by the day's standards and had been essentially a country squire, should lead such a revolt.

The answer probably lies in the social tensions of the 14th C (discussed in Part 19) and that the poets and members of the native Welsh society saw Owain as the focus of native loyalty, especially after the death of Owain Lawgoch, who could claim direct descent from the royal line of Gwynedd, in 1378 at the hands of an English assassin. Be that as it may, here's what happened.

The tensions described in the previous posting exploded into a general revolt on 16 September 1400, when this country squire with the royal pedigree was proclaimed Prince of Wales by some of his followers at Glyndyfrdwy. Initially, Owain and his supporters (most notably his cousins Rhys and Gwilym ap Tudur) were making trouble in Anglesey and Caernarvonshire. The English king at the time was Henry IV, a man of incredible lust for power, Henry had only just recently usurped the crown from Richard II and committed regicide (1399). Adam of Usk states the following: "On the feast of the Decollation of St. John the Baptist (29 Aug) the king returned to England; while at Leicester he heard that Owen lord of Glendower, being put forward by the men of North Wales to be their prince, had risen up in rebellion and had seized numerous castles, and weas everywhere plundering and burning towns inhabited by the English who lived amongst them, and forcing the English to flee; so, assembling his young warriors, the king led his troops into North Wales, where he overcame them and put them to flight, leaving their prince to spend almost a year hiding away on cliffs and caverns with no more than seven followers." This outbreak could easily have been crushed by the king, but he failed to capture Owain. Additionally, the king made the woeful mistake of holding judicial inquiries in northern Wales, with the intent of imposing large fines on those communities which were found to have supported the rebellion. Additionally, Parliament passed several penal laws against the Welsh people which were very racial in nature (prohibition of Welsh men acquiring land in England or in English towns in Wales, Englishmen being protected from civil suits brought by Welsh men, etc.).

The king left Wales thinking that he was richer and had quashed the revolt. Instead, on Good Friday 1401, Gwilym and Rhys ap Tudur captured Conway Castle, one of the strongest castles in Wales by ruse. They then proceeded to hold out for two months. At the same time, Owain came out of hiding, began making a series of raids and by the fall of 1401, he had established himself in north-west Wales well enough to threaten Harlech and Caernarvon castles. Additionally, they captured the Lord Reginald Grey, who had been a long-time enemy of Owain's, and ransomed him for 6,000 pounds. In October 1401, Henry IV returned to Wales on another punitive expedition. Adam of Usk has the following to say: "During the autumn Owen Glendower, supported by the whole of North Wales, Cardigan and Powis, continually assailed with fire and sword the Englsih living in those regions and the towns they lived in, especially the town of Welshpool. A great host of English therefore invaded the area, ravaging and utterly destroying it with fire, sword and famine, sparing neither children nor churches; even the monastery of Strata Florida, in which the king himself stayed, along with its church and choir, right up to the high altar, was converted into a stable, and was completely stripped of its plate; they carried off with them to England more than a thousand children, both boys and girls, whom they forced into service for them; and they left the countryside desolate. Yet Owain inflicted considerable losses on the English..." Things were starting to get very nasty.

In 1402, Owain pulled off a coup. Edmund Mortimer, one of the primary landholders of the March and in England, was captured by Owain's forces. Upon negotiations, Owain forged a marriage alliance between Edmund and his daughter, thus forging an alliance between the powerful Mortimer family and Glyn Dwr's revolt. Owain then extended the sphere of his military activity to the east and south-east of Wales, where he inflicted a severe defeat upon the English at Pilleth, and by the end of the summer had extended the revolt to Glamorgan and Gwent. In August 1402, a third royal expedition went into Wales from three directions, but failed miserably, most of the expedition being swamped in heavy rains. Around this time the following occurred: "Having been pardoned their lives, the people of Cardigan deserted Owain and returned, though not without great suffering, to their homes; they were nevertheless--even though the English had decreed that it should be suppressed--allowed to use the Welsh tongue... "Intending to lay seige at Caernarvon, Owain raised his standard, a golden dragon on a white field..."

1403 was an advantageous year for Owain. He extended his sway into south-west Wales, was laying sedge to castles from Brecon to Aberystwyth, Beaumaris to Cardiff. In the meantime, Henry IV led yet another fruitless expedition into south Wales. Additionally, Owain was able to utilize the Mortimer alliance to secure another alliance with the Percy family, long a powerful family along the Scottish border. This was led by the earl of Northumberland's son, Hotspur. Despite Hotspur being killed at the Battle of Shrewsbury (21 July 1403), the alliance set the stage to embrace discontented elements within England against Henry IV. The other avenue of aid was to come from the French. In October 1403, forces from France and Brittany besieged Kidwelly, and later that month, a French fleet showed up at Caernarfon and assaulted the castle. By combining the elements of dissatisfaction within England and bringing in the French, Owain was hoping to either force Henry IV to recognize his title, or to topple the English king.

1404 continued to see the rise of Owain's star. Effective English control of Wales was now limited to a few coastal strips, isolated castles, and some lowland areas. Harlech and Aberystwyth fell, Cardiff was burnt to the ground. Owain was able to summon a parliament of his own, in an attempt to demonstrate the legitimacy of his title and also to consolidate his position within native Wales. Additionally, the Bishops of Bangor and St. Astaph came over to Owain's side, thus giving him two experienced clerics. A formal alliance with France had been forged on 14 July 1404, which provided arms and money (but no troops yet). 1404 was Owain's best year.

1405 saw the turning of the tide. Domestic discord within England had been further enhanced, leading to the fleeing of the Lady Despenser in an attempt to bring the Mortimer heirs with herself into exile in Wales. They were stopped, which was good for Henry, for the Mortimer heirs could claim a purer lineage to the English throne than he. During this year, the Tripartite Indenture was concluded, where Owain, the Mortimers and the Percies drew up an agreement which would divide England amongst the three of them. This was more of an act of fantasy than reality, as the hopes of such an alliance bearing any fruit really had been destroyed at Shrewsbury (though see Shakespeare's "Henry IV, Part 1 for an interesting, though factually incorrect account. I rather thought Shakespeare did a good job of showing the rather mystic quality of Glyn Dwr and how the Welsh were perceived as being different.) In early August 1405 the French landed a sizable force at Milford Haven, marched upon and captured Carmarthen, and speedily marched eastward to within eight miles of Worcester. Unfortunately, this expedition petered out and the French disembarked from Wales. This was primarily due to the French and Welsh having troubles coordinating their activities and goals. (I'd give Adam of Usk's account, but he was in Rome by this time and offers little direct evidence). Owain's luck then began to turn. In 1405, he suffered a series of military defeats, one of which led to the capture of his brother-in-law and close supporter, John Hamner, and Owain's son.

In 1406, Owain declared for the Avignon papacy (to secure the French treaty), but this was of no avail, as the French were unable to muster any more hard support for Owain's revolt. Hence forward, he would have to go it alone, especially after the defeat and deaths of the earl of Northumberland and Lord Bardholf in 1407. Additionally, due to his defeats in the southeast, Gower, the Tywi vale, Ceredigion and Anglesey had all surrendered to the English and submitted.

In 1408, Harlech and Aberystwyth were recaptured. Owain Glyn Dwr's revolt continued to be active until 1415. Glyn Dwr himself was never captured and continued to lead raids from the mountains of Snowdonia, which prompted English travelers to always go with an armed escort. However, the glory days were gone, the people and land exhausted from 15 years of continual fighting. Owain disappears from history in 1415, leaving the Welsh to spin legends around his person and adding him to the pantheon of Welsh heroes.

 

"Old dreams are in that country of blessedness That have eased the terror of countless ages; All ancient hopes are alive forever; In that spot high purposes make progress; No loss of faith comes there to scorch it, Neither time of shame, nor breaking heart. "There's fire in every singing inspiration! Strength, confidence, relish to every endeavor! Energy for those who'd change things the better, And a basis always for wanting to hope! We do not grow old while that protects us--right custom It is, breath of life to the nation." In the distance, as a sweet Breathing, scarcely a whisper, The voice ended: from the winding Desolate lake, a grey mist spread: Slowly it widened, slowly, Till it fused the boat under it And hid it. Into the mist Like a phantom it vanished. Bedwyr, sadly, silently, To the battle turned again. (Thomas Gwynn Jones (1871-1949), from 'Arthur's Passing')

"God be praised who ne'er forgets me In my art so high and cold And still sheds upon my verses All the magic of red gold" Anonymous Irish poet, 10th Century

"Rain Outside" Anonymous Welsh poet, 12th C. Rain outside, drenches bracken; Sea shingle white, fringe of foam; Fair candle, man's discretion. Rain outside, need for refuge; Furze yellowed, hogweed withered; Lord God, why made you a coward? Rain outside, drenches my hair; The feeble plaintive, slope steep; Ocean pallid, brine salty. Rain outside, drenches the deep; Whistle of the wind over reed-tips; Widowed each feat, talent wanting.

Epilogue to Albun Mabon (a shepherd) by James Ceiriog Hughes (1832-87) Still the mighty mountains stand, Round them still the tempest roar; Still with dawn through all the land Sing the shepherds as of yore. Round the foot of hill and scar Daisies still their buds unfold; Changed the shepherds only are On those mighty mountains old. Passing with the passing years Ancient customs change and flow; Fraught with doom of joy or tears, Generations come and go. Out of tears' and tempests' reach Alun Mabon sleeps secure;-- Still lives on the ancient speech, Still the ancient songs endure.

The opening stanza from "Y Gododdin" for your pleasure: Man's mettle, youth's years, Courage for combat: Swift thick-maned stallions Beneath a fine stripling's thighs, Broad lightweight buckler On a slim steed's crupper, Glittering blue blades, Gold-bordered garments. Never will there be Bitterness between us: Rather I make of you Song that will praise you. The blood-soaked field Before the marriage-feast, Foodstuff for crows Before the burial. A dear comrade, Owain; Vile, his cover of crows. Ghastly to me that ground, Slain, Marro's only son. (From Joseph Clancy, "The Earliest Welsh Poetry")

Astanza of Armes Prydain, written in the 9th C: The Muse fortells they will come in hosts: Riches, prosperity, peace will be ours, Magnanimous reign, benevolent lords, And after disruption, all regions settled. Men bold in battle, wrathful, mighty, Keen in combat, unbudging bulwark, Warriors far as Caer Weir will rout foreign foes, Will bring celebration, devestation done, And concord of Welshmen and Dublin's men, Gaelic men of Ireland, Mona, and Scotland, Cornishmen and Clydesmen at one with us. Remnanats will the British be when they triumph. Long is it foretold, in time will come Monarchs possessing noble lineage, Northemn in pre-eminent place among them Amid the vanguard will launch the assault.

from "Winter and Warfare", anonymous, 9th or 10th C Wind piercing, hill bare, hard to find shelter; Ford turns foul, lake freezes. A man could stand on a stalk. Wave on wave cloaks countryside; Shrill shrieks from the peaks of the mountain; One can scarce stand outside. Cold the lake-bed from winter's blast; Dried reeds, stalks broken; Angry wind, woods stripped naked. Cold bed of fish beneath a screen of ice; Stag lean, stalks bearded; Short evening, trees bent over. Snow is falling, white the soil. Soldiers go not campaigning. Cold lakes, their colour sunless. Snow is falling, whit hoar-frost. Shield idle on an old shoulder. Wind intense, shoots are frozen. Snow is falling upon the ice. Wind is sweeping thick tree-tops. Shield bold on a brave soldier. Snow is falling, cloaks the valley. Soldiers hasten to battle. I go not, a wound stays me.

"The seed of the White Dragon shall be rooted up from our little gardens and what is left of its progeny shall be decimated. They shall bear the yoke of perpetual slavery and they will wound their own Mother with their spades and ploughshares." The Prophecis of Merlin as found in Geoffrey of Monmouth's "History of the Kings of Britain".

 


Bibliography

These articles originally appeared as a multi-part message on list [email protected]. ( [email protected] )
This compilation may be distributed freely as long as it is not used for commercial purposes and for response purposes it includes the email-address of the author ([email protected]).

Posted by the author:

Good Books: John Davies, "A History of Wales" (New York: Penguin Books, 1993). Printed both in English and Welsh. This is a nice overview from the earliest times to the present, and is readily available in bookstores in the US.
RR Davies, "Conquest, Coexistence, and Change: Wales 1063-1415" University of Wales Press, 1986). Professor Davies is a very distinguished scholar at the University of Wales, Aberystwyth. The work covers from the death of Grufudd ap Lywellan to Owain Glyn Dwr

Date: Tue, 1 Jul 1997 16:47:56 to Tue, 12 Aug 1997 18:16:21
From: David Walter Fortin <[email protected]>
Subject: Welsh History, Part 1-20
To: [email protected]

 

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[ The Description of Wales by Geraldus Cambrensis originally written in 1194, this text is from the 1912 J. M. Dent edition.]

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